Skip to content

Latest commit

 

History

History

Folders and files

NameName
Last commit message
Last commit date

parent directory

..
 
 
 
 

README.md

Pylingdocs: A Demo

  1. Introduction
  2. Common markdown
  3. Pylingdocs markdown
  4. Other linguistic data
    1. Native CLDF components
    2. Non-native components
  5. Interlinear examples
    1. Manual examples
  6. Citing literature
  7. References

Introduction

This document does double service as a test for pylingdocs and a showcase of its capabilities. It aims to demonstrate every feature and model currently available in pylingdocs.

Common markdown

You can use all the familiar markdown components. Here is a link to the pylingdocs github repo. Here is some bold and italic and bold italic text.

  1. here
  2. is
  3. a
  4. numbered
  5. list

and of course here is

  • one
  • with
  • bullet points1

A quote:

Locating an individual language on a given point of the ergativity-nominativity axis and the diachronic interpretation of this axis seem to be conceptually different concerns, even if we were to assume that there are principies favouring one direction over the other. (Álvarez 1997: 71)

Pylingdocs markdown

Apart from database references, discussed in 6, there are a number of pylingdocs-specific commands, all patterning like links:

  • cross-references: 2 or 1, see corresponding label commands
  • example references:
    • single [ex:ekiri-13]
    • subexample [ex:ekiri-10]
    • range: [ex:ekiri-13–ekiri-11]
    • or bare: [ex:tri-1]
  • glosses: ACC
  • todos: [todo: we need to talk about this]
  • tables (with automatically generated table labels like Table 3.1):
bilabial alveolar palatal velar glottal
occlusive /p / /t / /ch/ /k/
nasal /m / /n /
fricative /s / /j/
liquid /r /
glide /w / /y/
  • figures (with automatically generated table labels like Figure 3.1):

(Figure 3.1: figures/cognates.jpg)

Other linguistic data

Native CLDF components

  • forms: Tiriyó pakoro se wae ‘I want a house’ (Meira 1999: 417)
  • languages: Hixkaryána
  • cognate sets:

None

Non-native components

Tiriyó -e ‘SUP’ (Meira 1999: 327) is a variant of Tiriyó -(s)e (Meira 1999: 327). Neither occur on Tiriyó mahto ‘fire’ (Meira 1999: 314), because it is a noun. They are related to Apalaí -se (Koehn and Koehn 1986: 77) and Wayana -(h)e (Tavares 2005: 236). This is thus a cognate set shared by Apalaí, Tiriyó, and Wayana.

  • If Tiriyó kure ‘good / pretty / well’ (Meira 1999: 345) has too long a translation, try Tiriyó kure ‘good’ (Meira 1999: 345).

  • This dataset contains the Ikpeng text The old man.

Interlinear examples

  1. (ekiri-13)
    nen tan nen ɨ-wɨ-n
    INAN.PROX here INAN.PROX 1POSS-machete-PERT
    ‘“My machete is here.”’

  1. Ikpeng (ekiri-9)
    otumunto mun eto ɨ-wɨ-n otumunto
    where INAN.DIST UNCERT 1POSS-machete-PERT where
    ‘“Where might my machete be, where?”’

  2. Ikpeng (ekiri-10)
    nen-to nen-to j-eŋ-lɨ ɨ-wɨ-n
    INAN.PROX-LOC INAN.PROX-LOC 1>3-put-HOD 1POSS-machete-PERT
    ‘“Here, here I put my machete.”’

  1. (tri-1)
    pai i-wae t-ee-se wïraapa
    tapir 3-super NPST-COP-NPST bow
    ‘The bow was stronger than the tapir.’

  2. (tri-1)
    pai i-wae t-ee-se wïraapa
    tapir 3-super NPST-COP-NPST bow
    ‘The bow was stronger than the tapir.’

  3. (tri-1)
    pai i-wae t-ee-se wïraapa
    tapir 3-super NPST-COP-NPST bow
    ‘The bow was stronger than the tapir.’

  4. (tri-1)
    pai i-wae t-ee-se wïraapa
    tapir 3-super NPST-COP-NPST bow
    ‘The bow was stronger than the tapir.’

  5. (tri-1)
    pai i-wae t-ee-se wïraapa
    tapir 3-super NPST-COP-NPST bow
    ‘The bow was stronger than the tapir.’

Manual examples

Sometimes you want a non-interlinear example, maybe with a form, or a simple list, or a table.

eis

zwöi

Citing literature

  • see Álvarez 1997 or Álvarez 1997: 133-134
  • with parentheses:
    • “Locating an individual language on a given point of the ergativity-nominativity axis and the diachronic interpretation of this axis seem to be conceptually different concerns” (Álvarez 1997)
    • “Locating an individual language on a given point of the ergativity-nominativity axis and the diachronic interpretation of this axis seem to be conceptually different concerns” (Álvarez 1997: 71)
  • multiple citations:

References

  • Álvarez, José. 1997. Split Ergativity and Complementary Distribution of NP’s and Pronominal Affixes in Pemón (Cariban). Opción 13. 69–94.
  • Koehn, Edward and Koehn, Sally. 1986. Apalai. In Derbyshire, Desmond C. and Pullum, Geoffrey K. (eds.), Handbook of Amazonian Languages, 33–127. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter.
  • Meira, Sérgio. 1999. A Grammar of Tiriyó. (Doctoral dissertation).
  • Tavares, Petronila da Silva. 2005. A grammar of Wayana. UMI. (Doctoral dissertation).

Footnotes

  1. And here is a (foot)note. You can use markdown in here: see 4 for details about Apalaí -se ‘SUP’ (Koehn and Koehn 1986: 77).