You can read more below.
On July 11th, 2015, Stephanie Dorceant and her girlfriend were heading home when a white off-duty police officer in plain clothes, who was later identified as Officer Salvatore Aquino, attacked Stephanie after calling her a “dyke”. Mr. Aquino did not show signs that he was a police officer or identify himself as such until after the assault. Stephanie and her girlfriend were then forcefully placed in handcuffs and thrown into holding cells at the 63rd Precinct in the Flatbush area of Brooklyn, NY. Although Miss Dorceant suffered from visible and severe injuries from the attack, she was still charged that night with assault against an officer, when she was acting in self-defense. Her girlfriend, Nandi Allman, was released from the precinct minutes after arriving because there was no justification for her arrest.
The couple was never read their rights or asked to make a statement about what happened that night. Instead, a bail was set and Stephanie was sent to Rikers Island jail. Stephanie is now facing several felony and misdemeanor charges and is set to testify at a Grand Jury trial on Friday, November 20th, 2015 at the Brooklyn Criminal Courthouse.
This is completely unjust to criminalize this woman after she endured such a traumatic experience with this officer. Salvatore Aquino has a record of using excessive force and conducting false arrests in his past, such as a case in 2011 involving a young black man named Jamel Marsalis. He is clearly not fit to be a New York Police Officer or a law enforcement officer anywhere and should be immediately fired from his position and charged as a criminal.
With this petition, we demand the following:
- We demand that Brooklyn District Attorney, Kenneth Thompson drop all the charges against Stephanie Dorceant. This is a hate crime and a complete violation of human rights. Stephanie does not have any criminal record and should not be treated as one.
- We demand that Officer Salvatore Aquino be immediately terminated as an NYPD officer and be tried as a criminal for assaulting and harassing a female civilian while off-duty.
- We demand that a full and thorough investigation at the 63rd precinct be conducted immediately, especially in regards to the use of excessive force by the arresting officers in this case and in others. All officers involved in this case should undergo New York’s new law effective January 1, 2016 that was announced by Commissioner William J. Bratton in regards to excessive use of force. This case stands as a perfect candidate for this kind of investigation and we demand that it be conducted if possible as soon as the law is in effect.
- We demand that the 63rd Precinct begin investigating all of it’s officers that have a number of civilian complaints against them. We also ask that the 63rd precinct issue out a public apology to Stephanie Dorceant and her girlfriend, Nandi Allman
- We demand that all CCTV street cameras are inspected to ensure that they are in proper working order and fully functioning so that crimes like these are captured as they should have been the night of Stephanie Dorceant’s attack. All footage that may still exist from the night of July 11th, 2015 should also be reviewed as a part of the investigation surrounding this hate crime.
(updated 11/2/15)
Donate for legal and commissary funds Here.
Come to the fundraising party in Brooklyn, November 7!
Last December, as tens of thousands of New Yorkers demonstrated against police brutality at the Millions March, officers tried to arrest a protester on the Brooklyn Bridge and fueled a chaotic confrontation with march attendees. A video of the incident later surfaced online, and the NYPD began a citywide manhunt for any demonstrators involved in the incident. Officers scoured social media, circulated “wanted” posters of suspects and witnesses, and eventually offered a $25,000 reward for information leading to arrests–all while Daniel Pantaleo, Eric Garner’s killer, walked free.
As part of their intimidation campaign, NYPD officers visited a number of activists, their friends, and their family members across the city. Officers surprised their victims in large numbers, deceived and manipulated them, and threatened deportation and beatings if they refused to provide information. Investigators falsely arrested Maria Garcia, area activist and legal spouse of a suspect in the case, despite the fact that she was not present at the march. Garcia’s charges were later dropped by the District Attorney’s office.
Five activists were ultimately arraigned on a range of charges related to the incident, most of them on felonies. A series of seemingly endless pre-trial court dates ensued, dragging on throughout the summer of 2015 with little information and many delays from the DA. Now the city has finally offered the Brooklyn Bridge defendants a range of plea deals, and many face jail time. They are weighing difficult decisions.
The Brooklyn Bridge case is part of the ongoing backlash against Black Lives Matter, in which police and federal agents infiltrate movements and ravage activists with false and trumped-up charges. This targeted state repression is, in turn, symptomatic of the ongoing violence visited upon communities of color in New York City and across the country. Last summer, police raided the Grant and Manhattanville Houses in Harlem, sweeping up 40 youth on gang charges culled from social media monitoring. This week, news outlets revealed the NYPD subjected Muslim student associations across the city to extensive police infiltration, months after having pretended to close their notorious “demographics unit.”
The only way to keep our communities safe is to deepen our collective solidarity and mutual care, and make the police force obsolete. This entails supporting all survivors of police repression, whether in political movements or in working class communities and communities of color. We will continue to support the Brooklyn Bridge defendants as needed with commissary funds, letters, visits, and assistance after incarceration. We invite you to join us, and help build a movement that can withstand state repression.
On November 2nd, Zachary Campbell plead guilty to Obstructing Governmental Administration in the 2nd degree (a misdemeanor), and is now serving 20 days in jail, with 3 years probation to follow. The four remaining defendants will be seen again in court on November 24th. Follow this blog or Can’t Touch This NYC on Facebook for more info.
Recent articles on police repression in NYC:
Student Accused Of Rioting On Brooklyn Bridge Spent Months Fighting NYPD “Witch Hunt” (Gothamist)
Undercover Police Have Regularly Spied On Black Lives Matter Activists in New York (The Intercept)
After Harlem Gang Raid, Anti-violence Advocates Seek to Defuse Tensions (Columbia Spectator)
NYPD Undercover “Converted” To Islam To Spy On Brooklyn College Students (Gothamist)
Please consider donating by clicking here! Your donations go directly to legal support fund as well as prisoners’ commissary funds.
November 7, 10PM: Dance Party Against Repression at Silent Barn to support commissary funds! Click Here for more info & invite friends on Facebook.
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November 2, 2015 9:00AM
100 Centre Street 13th Floor, NYC
#6,N,R,Q,J,Z trains to Canal St.
The cases of the five people still facing charges from the Millions March in December are coming to a head. Please pack the court for this important hearing. (Full update coming soon.)
Also, use caution: court guards have been harassing friends and comrades who are showing support for this case. Be safe, watch out for each other, and let them know we won’t be scared away from having each other’s back.
While in the courtroom, please do not talk to each other or use your phones or computers at any time. Dress appropriately, and do not forget to take off your hats.
[Facebook]
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Saturday November 7, 2015
10PM – 4AM
Slient Barn 603 Bushwick Avenue, Brooklyn, NY 11206
An opportunity to come together in solidarity and dance! We will be providing a dance party of epic proportions. Expect tons of bangers and no judgment for enjoying them!
Spread the word.
Donate some cash at the door.
$5-$20 (More would be great)
Celebrate an opportunity for a shit show dance party on a Saturday night in Brooklyn, that will actually benefit individuals resisting police murder!
This is an ALL ages event.
Please come prepared to respect the space and each other.
Please refer to Silent Barn’s safer space policy below:
http://silentbarn.org/about/saferspaces
There is a full beer, wine, soju/sake cocktails, and cider bar
(No BYOB).
Dancing:
Night Doll
https://soundcloud.com/nightdoll
Danik of DYDH
(dj set)
Montreal/NYC stylist with a lifetime of passionate partying spreads the loves by making you move.
FAKE DJ
NYC party coordinator turned DJ to save money on expenses.
++++++!special guests will be added soon!++++
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Tuesday April 28, 2015 9:00 AM 100 Centre Street, Court 31, New York, NY
The arrestees have been indicted on a range of felonies and misdemeanors, and will have their first day in court. Let’s push back, and keep our movement strong! Support these comrades by flipping this court date into a rally, and packing the courtroom!
]]>We received a message below from our contacts. Let’s do what we can and get her out. [SEE ORIGINAL POST]
HEY! My good friend is in jail in New Orleans and we are trying to raise money to bail her out. She was targeted as a homeless queer person and is facing 3 charges, potentially felonies. We believe this was the result of class and gender discrimination. This girl is one of the most selfless, kindest people I know and is very likely going to be targeted in jail for being the sensitive, darling person she is. Her bail is set at $7500 and the bond is $1000. We are looking to have benefit shows as well to try and raise funds. As of right now, we are keeping this anonymous to protect her as we haven’t been able to speak to her yet.
WAYS TO HELP:
DONATE! Please send donations here https://www.paypal.com/cgi-bin/webscr?cmd=_donations&business=BP4AJEYHTA2MN&lc=US&item_name=Bail%20Fund%20for%20Our%20Dear%20Friend¤cy_code=USD&bn=PP%2dDonationsBF%3abtn_donateCC_LG%2egif%3aNonHosted if that link doesn’t work my paypal email is [email protected]
SPREAD THE WORD! Tell your friends, share this status, have a fund raising show, whatever you think you can do to help. Do you know any queer or trans legal funds? Advocacy groups? Do you have experience with bailing friends out of jail? Please message me.
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Bratton’s second-in-command, Chief of Department James O’Neill, later rolled back the commissioner’s remarks, saying instead that two separate units will be created; one for demonstrations and another that will focus solely on terrorism. To civil rights experts and activists, however, Bratton’s earlier conflation of the two was troubling.
“The comparison of Black Lives Matter and other large protests to violent terrorist attacks is an outrage and an insult to the hundreds of thousands of people who have been marching across the country against racism and for police reform,” said Mara Verheyden-Hilliard, executive director of the Partnership for Civil Justice Fund.
Sabaah Jordan, a New York-based anti-racist organizer who is also working on a documentary film about Ferguson, was worried but not too surprised by Bratton’s remarks. “The government and the media have a long history of criminalizing and vilifying black people,” she said. “The previous generation of black leaders are either in exile, locked-up as political prisoners, or they’re dead. Today, terrorism is a racialized term. It is commonly used to mean people of color threatening the safety and security of white people. We don’t recognize lynchings as terrorist acts or the Klu Klux Klan as a terrorist group. But Bratton’s comments should concern everyone. They set a precedent for the way free speech is dealt with.”
According to veteran civil rights attorney Martin Stolar, a special unit to police demonstrations is reminiscent of the Tactical Patrol Force, which — comprised largely of former marines — was the unit responsible for crowd control at protests in New York from 1959 to 1984, garnering a reputation for cracking heads. A Yahoo Group comprised of former members bears the slogan, “Our like will never be seen again.” With the establishment of this new protest unit within the NYPD, perhaps it will.
“I hope this new unit gets extensive training in civil rights,” Stolar said. The NYPD did not respond to inquiries for this article.
While it may seem bizarre that protesters and terrorists could somehow be lumped into the same category, officers whose jackets read “NYPD Counter Terrorism” are frequently sighted at demonstrations in New York. FBI documents obtained in 2012 by the Partnership for Civil Justice through a Freedom of Information Act request revealed that the FBI, Homeland Security, NYPD and other local law enforcement agencies monitored Occupy Wall Street activists from the movement’s inception, treating it as a terrorist threat.
On December 14, Eric Linsker, an adjunct professor with the City University of New York, was arrested at his home by the Joint Terrorism Task Force, which includes members of the FBI, for allegedly assaulting an officer on the Brooklyn Bridge during a march that broke away from a larger, peaceful Black Lives Matter procession the day before. Linsker, and about a half dozen activists who allegedly helped de-arrest him at the December 13 demonstration, remain the only participants in the Black Lives Matter protests so far to face charges for violent crimes in New York.
Stolar, who has represented numerous activists against criminal charges stemming from protests, including Occupy participant Cecily McMillan and now Linsker, argues that the case against the adjunct professor and those accused of abetting him is being used to smear the entire movement.
“They’ve jumped on this case to say, ‘Look at this group of bad protesters,’” Stolar said. “And therefore the message is that every other protester is also tainted. They’ve used it to that extent.”
A grand jury has been impaneled and is exploring charges of assaulting a police officer against Linsker and those who helped him initially escape. The Brooklyn District Attorney is casting a wide net. Videographer Atiq Zabinski was subpoenaed, though he said he was several hundred feet away when the incident involving Linsker took place. He has refused to provide footage of the protest he captured that night to the district attorney.
Another source involved in the demonstration said numerous activists who had nothing to do with the NYPD’s confrontation with Linsker have been extensively interrogated by the NYPD, though they do not currently wish to speak out for fear of retribution.
“The fact that a couple of cops were shot a week later certainly has not helped,” Stolar said in reference to the December 20 murder of two NYPD officers by a man from Baltimore, who shortly thereafter killed himself.
There is no evidence that the shooter had participated in any of the recent demonstrations against police brutality. Before traveling to the city he also shot his girlfriend in the stomach during a domestic dispute, though little mention of her was made in most media. The narrative has instead focused on the protesters.
Patrick Lynch, president of the Patrolmen’s Benevolent Association, the city’s largest police union, blamed the officers’ deaths on “those that incited violence on the streets under the guise of protest, that tried to tear down what NYPD officers did every day.” Mayor Bill de Blasio too was to blame, according to Lynch, since he had allowed people to protest and even expressed sympathy for the demonstrators. “We tried to warn it must not go on, it cannot be tolerated,” Lynch said.
Up until that point, previous attempts by police and their supporters to roll back the momentum of the Black Lives Matter movement had failed. A “Blue Lives Matter” rally on December 19 at City Hall garnered little attention. The Patrolmen’s Benevolent Association even declined to endorse it, fearful that it might be a hoax. But immediately following the killings, the mayor and even some leading Black Lives Matter activists called for the demonstrations to stop until the officers were buried.
Black Lives Matter activist Sabaah Jordan criticized pleas for pause, rejecting the notion that the movement was in any way responsible for the officers’ deaths. “This person was obviously unstable,” she said. “The reason there is an adversarial relationship between police and the community is not because of our rhetoric, it’s because of how they are treating people of color. We don’t want to see cops murdered. That’s actually the exact opposite of what our movement is about. We are seeking peace and an end to violence.”
Ironically, Occupy Wall Street and now Black Lives Matter have showcased that the most frequent purveyors of violence at New York demonstrations have consistently been the NYPD. At least 14 cases of police brutality were documented throughout Occupy Wall Street by researchers from New York University, Fordham, Harvard and Stanford.
Mayor Bill de Blasio has taken a more hands off approach than his predecessor Michael Bloomberg, famously stating that “the First Amendment is a little more important than traffic.” Yet the NYPD’s use of pepper spray has continued at protests and the threat of further force, whether via billy club or Long Range Acoustic Device, remains ever present.
Many in New York defied calls to halt the protests following the December killings, but despite large mobilizations surrounding the Martin Luther King Day holiday, the movement has not been able to recuperate its momentum. Jordan said that’s because Black Lives Matter has entered a different stage. Activists are discussing ways to forge networks and build organizations that can sustain themselves and ensure that the recent protests aren’t just flashes in a pan. Eight hundred people came together on Jan. 30 at Riverside Church for a day of strategy session and for nonviolent civil disobedience workshops.
“We understand now that we have mass power,” said Jordan, who pointed to the indictment Tuesday of Officer Peter Liang for the November shooting death of Akui Gurley in a Brooklyn housing development as an example of what Black Lives Matter has been able to accomplish since its inception. Even the NYPD’s recent promotional efforts for the film “Selma” are a testament to the power of the movement, she said. “They have to show they are not the bad guys, because they pretty much look like the bad guys.”
Still, going forward, Jordan and others are proceeding with caution.
“It is really important that we understand our strength is in numbers, that our narrative and our actions are very clear so that we cannot be misconstrued,” said Jordan. “We’re training people really heavily in militant nonviolent action and de-escalation. They are waiting for any opportunity to vilify us. But you can expect to see a stronger, more coordinated movement going forward. It’s about maximizing and taking control of the energy we have shown in the streets.”
Josmar Trujillo with New Yorkers Against Bratton, argues that copwatching, the tactic of monitoring and filming encounters with police that activists have applied in neighborhoods across New York as a form of holding officers accountable and averting abuse, is all the more necessary now. Viewing the commissioner’s recent remarks as a “public threat” toward Black Lives Matter, he contends that “sometimes the best defense is a good offense.”
“Activists need to be very vocal,” said Trujillo, “very visible in going against not only the police department’s policies but the political establishment that condones those policies, gives them money and resources — that feeds the beast, so to speak. Activists should continue to do that instead of waiting around for the police to club us, shoot us, or hit us with sound cannons.”
Over the past three months, anti-police brutality protests in New York City have forced the issue of police violence into the open, and taken control of the streets at a level unseen since the Occupy movement. No one can deny that a new movement has been born.
The response of the city and the NYPD to the protests can best be characterized as a kind of counterinsurgency strategy. While officials claimed to give the protests “breathing room,” their violence remained hidden: the NYPD arrested hundreds of people over several weeks, but avoided mass arrests; they beat and pepper-sprayed protesters, but avoided the cameras. And while some politicians expressed sympathy with the protests, they also sought to criminalize militancy. Officials offered select groups a seat at the bargaining table, and in exchange, asked them to denounce militant tactics and help police identify “troublemakers”.
The maneuvers of the politicians and police take advantage of real differences within our ranks. The anti-police brutality movement is made up of a wide range of groups, with different understandings of the causes of police violence, different strategies, and different goals. We are bound to debate and disagree. But if we make common cause with the state in the process, then our movement will become divided, grow vulnerable to repression, and will ultimately defeat itself.
Can’t Touch This NYC believes it’s possible for groups in the anti-police brutality movement to pursue different courses of action, without falling victim to the “divide and conquer” strategy. By adopting a common set of principles to operate with in the streets, we can maximize our collective impact, and minimize the state’s counterinsurgency efforts. These principles should allow us to pursue different strategies and openly disagree, while refusing to sabotage each other in the corporate media, or in league with the state.
CTT-NYC calls on groups in the anti-police brutality movement to consider and adhere to the following common principles moving forward:
- We will respect a diversity of tactics in the streets, as they reflect a diversity of political perspectives within our movement. We will not physically prevent fellow demonstrators from taking actions they deem necessary.
- While we may debate and disagree, we will not denounce fellow protesters in public statements in a manner that exposes them to state repression. We will not denounce protesters for engaging in self-defense or property damage.
- We refuse to cooperate with politicians in legitimizing the repression of other parts of our movement. We will not accept this as a condition for dialogue with city officials.
- We refuse to help police repress our movement. We will not help police identify and prosecute protesters, nor hand protesters into police custody, nor provide general intelligence on our movement.
- We will avoid posting and circulating sensitive visual information on social media, as police use social media to collect incriminating evidence against protesters. We will not collaborate with the media to make such information publicly available.
To sign on to this statement, please email canttouchthisnyc [at] gmail [dot] com
Can’t Touch This NYC is an anti police repression committee. We believe role of the police is to maintain a society based on oppression and exploitation, and we aim to combat police repression in support of the fight for justice. While we will focus on recent arrests from the anti-police brutality protests for the next few months, we understand that all arrests, imprisonment, and abuse are part of the repression of our people by state violence.
Current List of Signatories:
- Black Autonomy Federation
- Freedom Road Socialist Organization
- Florence Johnston Collective
- Queer Detainee Empowerment Project
- Trayvon Martin Organizing Committee–NYC
- Take Back the Bronx
- Texans United for Families
- Unity and Struggle
- War Resister’s League
We are the thousands of people who took over highways, blocked traffic and #shutitdown to protest police violence and murder. In the cold streets of NYC, we started out as strangers, marching and chanting side-by-side. We often faced cops too eager to use their batons and pepper spray. Many of us were arrested. The police continue to criminalize us because they want to silence us. But we know better. Police violence is what brought us together. Let’s use this moment to support each other in the street and in the court. Come join us.
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